Tohono O'odham syllable weight: Descriptive, theoretical and applied aspects

Persistent Link:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280102
Title:
Tohono O'odham syllable weight: Descriptive, theoretical and applied aspects
Author:
Miyashita, Mizuki
Issue Date:
2002
Publisher:
The University of Arizona.
Rights:
Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.
Abstract:
This dissertation is a model of a unified study of three linguistic aspects: description, theory and application. Tohono O'odham syllable weight is investigated within these linguistic aspects. I propose that O'odham diphthongs are categorized into two groups based on their weight: light (monomoraic) diphthongs and heavy (bimoraic) diphthongs. This is opposed to generally understood diphthong classifications (i.e., falling vs. rising). My conclusion is supported by empirical facts, including morpho-phonological and phonetic phenomena. The generalization is theoretically accounted for within the framework of Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Price 1993, Prince and Smolensky 1993). Moraicity of the light/heavy diphthongs and short/long vowels are analogous, and the larger classification of Tohono O'odham vowels is made: Class L (monomoraic vowels) and Class H (bimoraic vowels). However, the distribution of the vowels depends on syllable type: stressed, unstressed and irregularly stressed. This dependency is accounted for by the following: (i) Predictable moraic structure is not specified in input (this is explained with a proposed constraint, MORAINDISPENSABLILITY or MI); (ii) Moraic specification is in the input only where it must be lexically specified (long vowels and irregularly stressed diphthongs); (iii) Light diphthongs surface as monomoraic due to the loss of a mora. In order to account for the relationship between the unstressed position and light diphthongs, I propose a constraint, POSITIONALDIET, a relative of the Stress-to-Weight Principle or SWP (Prince 1990). Evidence for the diphthong classification comes from an acoustic study of a native speaker and learners of Tohono O'odham. In addition to supporting the classification, the differences between English and Tohono O'odham speakers' treatment of diphthongs is explained with respect to the fact that English diphthongs are always heavy. Finally, implications of this study for Tohono O'odham language teaching are discussed.
Type:
text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic)
Keywords:
Language, Linguistics.
Degree Name:
Ph.D.
Degree Level:
doctoral
Degree Program:
Graduate College; Linguistics
Degree Grantor:
University of Arizona
Advisor:
Hammond, Michael

Full metadata record

DC FieldValue Language
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.titleTohono O'odham syllable weight: Descriptive, theoretical and applied aspectsen_US
dc.creatorMiyashita, Mizukien_US
dc.contributor.authorMiyashita, Mizukien_US
dc.date.issued2002en_US
dc.publisherThe University of Arizona.en_US
dc.rightsCopyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.en_US
dc.description.abstractThis dissertation is a model of a unified study of three linguistic aspects: description, theory and application. Tohono O'odham syllable weight is investigated within these linguistic aspects. I propose that O'odham diphthongs are categorized into two groups based on their weight: light (monomoraic) diphthongs and heavy (bimoraic) diphthongs. This is opposed to generally understood diphthong classifications (i.e., falling vs. rising). My conclusion is supported by empirical facts, including morpho-phonological and phonetic phenomena. The generalization is theoretically accounted for within the framework of Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Price 1993, Prince and Smolensky 1993). Moraicity of the light/heavy diphthongs and short/long vowels are analogous, and the larger classification of Tohono O'odham vowels is made: Class L (monomoraic vowels) and Class H (bimoraic vowels). However, the distribution of the vowels depends on syllable type: stressed, unstressed and irregularly stressed. This dependency is accounted for by the following: (i) Predictable moraic structure is not specified in input (this is explained with a proposed constraint, MORAINDISPENSABLILITY or MI); (ii) Moraic specification is in the input only where it must be lexically specified (long vowels and irregularly stressed diphthongs); (iii) Light diphthongs surface as monomoraic due to the loss of a mora. In order to account for the relationship between the unstressed position and light diphthongs, I propose a constraint, POSITIONALDIET, a relative of the Stress-to-Weight Principle or SWP (Prince 1990). Evidence for the diphthong classification comes from an acoustic study of a native speaker and learners of Tohono O'odham. In addition to supporting the classification, the differences between English and Tohono O'odham speakers' treatment of diphthongs is explained with respect to the fact that English diphthongs are always heavy. Finally, implications of this study for Tohono O'odham language teaching are discussed.en_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeDissertation-Reproduction (electronic)en_US
dc.subjectLanguage, Linguistics.en_US
thesis.degree.namePh.D.en_US
thesis.degree.leveldoctoralen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineGraduate Collegeen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineLinguisticsen_US
thesis.degree.grantorUniversity of Arizonaen_US
dc.contributor.advisorHammond, Michaelen_US
dc.identifier.proquest3060976en_US
dc.identifier.bibrecord.b43041711en_US
All Items in UA Campus Repository are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise indicated.