Persistent Link:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/271018
Title:
On Semantic Agreement with Quantified Subjects in Russian
Author:
Glushan, Zhanna A.
Affiliation:
University of Connecticut
Publisher:
University of Arizona Linguistics Circle
Journal:
Coyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics, Linguistic Theory at the University of Arizona
Issue Date:
4-Mar-2013
URI:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/271018
Abstract:
Quantified numeral subjects in Russian may famously trigger plural or singular verb agreement. Generative accounts (Pesetsky (1982), Franks (1995), Bošković (2006)) tie the variation to Case and the DP/QP distinction. Corpus-based accounts (Revzin (1978), Corbett (2000), Robblee (1993)), in addition to precedence and definiteness/specificity, note a strong correlation between agreement choice and the animacy of a QNP subject. In this paper, I attempt to reconcile the original generalizations in both linguistic traditions by proposing an account whereby (i) the animacy condition on agreement is an argument structure effect (ii) the connection between Nom case and agreement with QNP subjects is captured by Case as accessibility condition for agreement (Marantz (1991), Bobaljik (2008), Baker (2010) Baker and Vinokurova (2011) but contra Chomsky (2000), (2001)) (iii) definiteness/specificity effects with agreement follow from Diesing’s (1992) Mapping Hypothesis and a locality condition on semantic agreement.
Type:
text; Article
Language:
en_US
ISSN:
0894-4539

Full metadata record

DC FieldValue Language
dc.contributor.authorGlushan, Zhanna A.en_US
dc.date.accessioned2013-03-04T19:38:24Z-
dc.date.available2013-03-04T19:38:24Z-
dc.date.issued2013-03-04-
dc.identifier.issn0894-4539-
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10150/271018-
dc.description.abstractQuantified numeral subjects in Russian may famously trigger plural or singular verb agreement. Generative accounts (Pesetsky (1982), Franks (1995), Bošković (2006)) tie the variation to Case and the DP/QP distinction. Corpus-based accounts (Revzin (1978), Corbett (2000), Robblee (1993)), in addition to precedence and definiteness/specificity, note a strong correlation between agreement choice and the animacy of a QNP subject. In this paper, I attempt to reconcile the original generalizations in both linguistic traditions by proposing an account whereby (i) the animacy condition on agreement is an argument structure effect (ii) the connection between Nom case and agreement with QNP subjects is captured by Case as accessibility condition for agreement (Marantz (1991), Bobaljik (2008), Baker (2010) Baker and Vinokurova (2011) but contra Chomsky (2000), (2001)) (iii) definiteness/specificity effects with agreement follow from Diesing’s (1992) Mapping Hypothesis and a locality condition on semantic agreement.en_US
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.publisherUniversity of Arizona Linguistics Circleen_US
dc.titleOn Semantic Agreement with Quantified Subjects in Russianen_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeArticleen_US
dc.contributor.departmentUniversity of Connecticuten_US
dc.identifier.journalCoyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics, Linguistic Theory at the University of Arizonaen_US
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