Persistent Link:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227255
Title:
On the Feature [rtr] in Chiliatin: A Problem for the Feature Hierarchy
Author:
Goad, Heather
Editors:
Fulmer, S. Lee; Ishihara, Masahide; Wiswall, Wendy
Affiliation:
University of Southern California
Publisher:
Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ)
Issue Date:
1989
URI:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227255
Abstract:
In this paper, I discuss two rules in Chilcotin (Athapaskan), both of which involve spreading of the feature [retracted tongue root] ([rtr]). The first rule is a coronal consonant harmony rule, Sibilant Assimilation, which requires that all coronal sibilants in a word agree in their specification for [rtr). The second rule, a tongue root harmony rule called Flattening, spreads [+rtr] fresh velar segments and coronal sibilants onto neighbouring vowels. Only a subset of the [+rtr] segments which trigger Flattening undergo Sibilant Assimilation. Given the structure of the feature hierarchy, the spreading of this subset in Sibilant Assimilation is impossible without violating locality. I suggest that the theory of tree geometry be modified to accomodate this problem.
Type:
Article
Language:
en_US
Keywords:
Grammar, comparative and general -- Phonology
Series/Report no.:
Arizona Phonology Conference Vol. 2; Coyote Papers

Full metadata record

DC FieldValue Language
dc.contributor.authorGoad, Heatheren_US
dc.contributor.editorFulmer, S. Leeen_US
dc.contributor.editorIshihara, Masahideen_US
dc.contributor.editorWiswall, Wendyen_US
dc.date.accessioned2012-06-01T18:42:26Z-
dc.date.available2012-06-01T18:42:26Z-
dc.date.issued1989-
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10150/227255-
dc.description.abstractIn this paper, I discuss two rules in Chilcotin (Athapaskan), both of which involve spreading of the feature [retracted tongue root] ([rtr]). The first rule is a coronal consonant harmony rule, Sibilant Assimilation, which requires that all coronal sibilants in a word agree in their specification for [rtr). The second rule, a tongue root harmony rule called Flattening, spreads [+rtr] fresh velar segments and coronal sibilants onto neighbouring vowels. Only a subset of the [+rtr] segments which trigger Flattening undergo Sibilant Assimilation. Given the structure of the feature hierarchy, the spreading of this subset in Sibilant Assimilation is impossible without violating locality. I suggest that the theory of tree geometry be modified to accomodate this problem.en_US
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.publisherDepartment of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ)en_US
dc.relation.ispartofseriesArizona Phonology Conference Vol. 2en_US
dc.relation.ispartofseriesCoyote Papersen_US
dc.subjectGrammar, comparative and general -- Phonologyen_US
dc.titleOn the Feature [rtr] in Chiliatin: A Problem for the Feature Hierarchyen_US
dc.typeArticleen_US
dc.contributor.departmentUniversity of Southern Californiaen_US
dc.identifier.oclc26728293-
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