The Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Construction: Its Morphological, Syntactic and Semantic Aspects

Persistent Link:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193783
Title:
The Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Construction: Its Morphological, Syntactic and Semantic Aspects
Author:
Lee, Jeongrae
Issue Date:
2006
Publisher:
The University of Arizona.
Rights:
Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.
Abstract:
This dissertation investigates the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of the Korean IHRC (internally-headed relative clause) construction, which has its semantic head within the relative clause, the relative clause being followed by the morpheme kes.As for the status of kes, I argue it is a pronoun, positioned under D or N, depending on whether kes stands alone or is modified by a demonstrative. In either case, the IHRC receives the same semantic interpretation as non-restrictive relative clause.I argue the relative clause contains a full clause including TP, exhibiting a full range of tense and aspect distinction. I provide a morphological analysis of the IHRC predicate, identifying the contribution of each morpheme, and its status with respect to the root predicate.I adopt phase theory to explain the fact that the internal head cannot be embedded within more than one phase boundary. An uninterpretable feature on C in the relative clause is checked against a matching interpretable feature on the internal head--DP or the event of vP--, and the index of the internal head thus percolates up to CP. The modified pro has the same index as the CP and the internal head. An interesting syntactic contrast between kes as D and kes as N is that an island effect emerges in the latter case. This is explained by adopting Johnson (2004)'s account of adjunct islands. When kes is a D, the relative clause is the same workspace as the matrix clause, while kes is an N, the relative clause is the separate workspace.For the semantic aspects of the IHRC, I noted when the semantic head is ambiguous between the subject and another element in the embedded clause, the subject is always favored as a semantic head. This phenomenon can be explained by the minimal link condition: the subject is the closest position to check the uninterpretable feature on C, adapting Lin (2006). Also, split-antecedent readings and VP adjunct head readings are coercion effects of event-interruption reading produced in certain circumstances between the matrix event and the embedded event.
Type:
text; Electronic Dissertation
Keywords:
Linguistics
Degree Name:
PhD
Degree Level:
doctoral
Degree Program:
Linguistics; Graduate College
Degree Grantor:
University of Arizona
Advisor:
Harley, Heidi B.
Committee Chair:
Harley, Heidi B.

Full metadata record

DC FieldValue Language
dc.language.isoENen_US
dc.titleThe Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clause Construction: Its Morphological, Syntactic and Semantic Aspectsen_US
dc.creatorLee, Jeongraeen_US
dc.contributor.authorLee, Jeongraeen_US
dc.date.issued2006en_US
dc.publisherThe University of Arizona.en_US
dc.rightsCopyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author.en_US
dc.description.abstractThis dissertation investigates the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of the Korean IHRC (internally-headed relative clause) construction, which has its semantic head within the relative clause, the relative clause being followed by the morpheme kes.As for the status of kes, I argue it is a pronoun, positioned under D or N, depending on whether kes stands alone or is modified by a demonstrative. In either case, the IHRC receives the same semantic interpretation as non-restrictive relative clause.I argue the relative clause contains a full clause including TP, exhibiting a full range of tense and aspect distinction. I provide a morphological analysis of the IHRC predicate, identifying the contribution of each morpheme, and its status with respect to the root predicate.I adopt phase theory to explain the fact that the internal head cannot be embedded within more than one phase boundary. An uninterpretable feature on C in the relative clause is checked against a matching interpretable feature on the internal head--DP or the event of vP--, and the index of the internal head thus percolates up to CP. The modified pro has the same index as the CP and the internal head. An interesting syntactic contrast between kes as D and kes as N is that an island effect emerges in the latter case. This is explained by adopting Johnson (2004)'s account of adjunct islands. When kes is a D, the relative clause is the same workspace as the matrix clause, while kes is an N, the relative clause is the separate workspace.For the semantic aspects of the IHRC, I noted when the semantic head is ambiguous between the subject and another element in the embedded clause, the subject is always favored as a semantic head. This phenomenon can be explained by the minimal link condition: the subject is the closest position to check the uninterpretable feature on C, adapting Lin (2006). Also, split-antecedent readings and VP adjunct head readings are coercion effects of event-interruption reading produced in certain circumstances between the matrix event and the embedded event.en_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeElectronic Dissertationen_US
dc.subjectLinguisticsen_US
thesis.degree.namePhDen_US
thesis.degree.leveldoctoralen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineLinguisticsen_US
thesis.degree.disciplineGraduate Collegeen_US
thesis.degree.grantorUniversity of Arizonaen_US
dc.contributor.advisorHarley, Heidi B.en_US
dc.contributor.chairHarley, Heidi B.en_US
dc.contributor.committeememberKarimi, Siminen_US
dc.contributor.committeememberBarss, Andrewen_US
dc.contributor.committeememberTroike, Rudolph C.en_US
dc.identifier.proquest1789en_US
dc.identifier.oclc659747554en_US
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