Quantity (in)sensitivity and underlying glottal-stop deletion in Capanahua

Persistent Link:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/126614
Title:
Quantity (in)sensitivity and underlying glottal-stop deletion in Capanahua
Author:
Elias-Ulloa, Jose
Affiliation:
Rutgers University
Publisher:
University of Arizona Linguistics Circle
Journal:
Coyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics, Special Volume Dedicated to the Indigenous Languages of the Americas
Issue Date:
2004
URI:
http://hdl.handle.net/10150/126614
Abstract:
This article accounts for two superficially contradicting phenomena found in Capanahua. In this language, underlying glottal stops are deleted in the coda of even syllables. The account of the distribution of glottal-stop deletion depends on quantity-insensitive footing. Glottal stops cannot occur at the right edge of metrical feet. However, contrary to expectations, Capanahua has a quantity-sensitive stress. Closed syllables attract stress. The account presented solves the puzzle in a straightforward and unified way. While both phenomena rely on disyllabic feet, the quantity of closed syllables contextually varies within disyllabic feet: closed syllables surface as heavy if they are stressed and if they do not form part of an (HL) foot; otherwise, they surface as light.
Type:
text; Article
Language:
en_US
ISSN:
0894-4539

Full metadata record

DC FieldValue Language
dc.contributor.authorElias-Ulloa, Joseen_US
dc.date.accessioned2011-03-31T16:48:33Z-
dc.date.available2011-03-31T16:48:33Z-
dc.date.issued2004-
dc.identifier.issn0894-4539-
dc.identifier.urihttp://hdl.handle.net/10150/126614-
dc.description.abstractThis article accounts for two superficially contradicting phenomena found in Capanahua. In this language, underlying glottal stops are deleted in the coda of even syllables. The account of the distribution of glottal-stop deletion depends on quantity-insensitive footing. Glottal stops cannot occur at the right edge of metrical feet. However, contrary to expectations, Capanahua has a quantity-sensitive stress. Closed syllables attract stress. The account presented solves the puzzle in a straightforward and unified way. While both phenomena rely on disyllabic feet, the quantity of closed syllables contextually varies within disyllabic feet: closed syllables surface as heavy if they are stressed and if they do not form part of an (HL) foot; otherwise, they surface as light.en_US
dc.language.isoen_USen_US
dc.publisherUniversity of Arizona Linguistics Circleen_US
dc.titleQuantity (in)sensitivity and underlying glottal-stop deletion in Capanahuaen_US
dc.typetexten_US
dc.typeArticleen_US
dc.contributor.departmentRutgers Universityen_US
dc.identifier.journalCoyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics, Special Volume Dedicated to the Indigenous Languages of the Americasen_US
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